Lawlessness in Gaza: Thieves, gangs, and killers flourish under Israeli occupation

After a grueling day spent queuing for water and walking long distances to buy supplies, Samer Abdel Fattah returned to his tent in Al-Mawaasi, near Rafah. He cooked what little food he had, and helped his wife wash clothes, before finally collapsing into a deep sleep. He didn't even notice a thief entering the tent.

“We were asleep, and the tent was zipped shut. In the morning, my wife’s and my phones were gone and switched off,” said the 36-year-old. “How did he get in? How did he leave? And how did no one wake up? We don’t know.” He was stunned by the audacity, “I don’t understand where he got the nerve, or how he wasn’t deterred that women and children were in the tent.”

Theft has become routine in Gaza, as chaos encompasses the mass displacement of the population into roughly 20% of the entire 365-square-kilometer Strip. The collapse of Hamas’s security control has opened the door to rampant lawlessness.

Since the start of Israel’s war of extermination in October 2023 and up until the end of May, Gaza’s Government Media Office documented the killing of 754 Palestinian police officers in Israeli strikes. These killings align with Israel’s stated objective: to dismantle, disarm Hamas, and prevent it from playing any future role in Gaza.

Dangerous alternatives

With the security vacuum, Samer could not report the crime. Police stations no longer exist. He now stays awake while his wife and children sleep, hoping to keep them safe amid what Islam Atallah, a Palestinian researcher specializing in political and security affairs, describes as “an unprecedented unraveling of the security system Hamas had imposed since taking control of Gaza in 2007.”

Speaking to Al Manassa, Atallah explained that Hamas lost its grip on security after the Israeli occupation military seized control of more than 80% of the Strip. Hamas no longer controls Gaza through its official agencies or its military networks.

“The systematic assassinations of members of the security services, police, and the Qassam Brigades—including middle and field commanders—have dismantled the organizational structures that once maintained order in the Strip’s cities, neighborhoods, and districts,” Atallah added. 

The Israeli-manufactured security vacuum extends beyond theft. It has led to the proliferation of weapons among local families and factions operating independently of Hamas’ central command, especially in areas the occupation temporarily vacated, or where Hamas has lost the capacity to redeploy.

In east Rafah, in southern Gaza, a group calling itself the “Popular Forces,” led by Yasser Abu Shabab, has, since last year, been involved in stealing the scant humanitarian aid entering the Strip, often in full view of occupation forces. One of its commanders previously took part in operations against the Egyptian army by the Islamic State affiliate in Sinai before 2017.

Across the Strip, armed groups have emerged from local families. Atallah noted that these factions are not yet affiliated with any political or military organization. They act on motives ranging from self-defense to revenge or exerting local control. “This represents a much more dangerous turn if the security vacuum continues—or if these groups become entangled in turf wars.”

Back in January, during the second ceasefire between Hamas and Israel, and following the Israeli military’s temporary withdrawal to the border areas, Hamas began redeploying its police and security forces throughout the Gaza Strip.

During that window, the police cracked down on looters and black marketeers, especially the gangs looting aid trucks. Some of these gangs were linked to the aforementioned family-based armed groups. But this return to order lasted just 42 days.

Once Israel resumed attacks, the truce collapsed—and with it, the tenuous security.

“We take justice into our own hands”

In May, masked gunmen attacked a young man in Al-Zawaida in central Gaza, shooting him multiple times in his upper body. His relatives rushed him to Al-Aqsa Martyrs Hospital in Deir al-Balah, but he didn’t survive. His family fired into the air in anger. One man shouted threats of vengeance, not just against the killer, but against anyone who helped him.

Al Manassa spoke with a relative of the victim, who requested anonymity. He said the family believes the killer is a member of Hamas’ Ministry of Interior police. “He had previously threatened the victim,” the relative said. “Now we’re hunting him down. If he really is the killer, we’ll make him pay.”

He justified the family’s pursuit, saying there’s no institution left to file a complaint with or to investigate the case as a result of the targeting of security infrastructure and personnel. “This isn’t the first killing in Gaza, and it won’t be the last. If we don’t take justice into our own hands, tomorrow our rights will disappear.”

A violation beyond theft

In another incident, a 29-year-old woman recounted how her family was robbed while sheltering in a rented warehouse in central Gaza. “We had to rent a tiny storage space. One morning, we woke up and found a laptop and three phones missing. Someone had come in during the night while we were asleep.”

She wasn’t just shaken by the theft. “I can’t wrap my head around it—someone strange was walking among us while we slept? Was he watching us? Did he touch us? I don’t know. The thought alone terrifies me. What else might he have done, besides stealing? How could he be bold enough to enter a space where eight people were sleeping, including my dad and two brothers?”

Her family has since rented an apartment, but her fear lingers. “I still wake up screaming from nightmares—sometimes because of the war, other times because of the robbery. There’s no security in the streets or the neighborhood. No one’s holding criminals accountable.”

Chaos born of destruction

Since the resumption of Israel’s military campaign on March 18, the assassination of Hamas police commanders has intensified. Political and human rights expert Mustafa Ibrahim told Al Manassa that these killings appear intended to deepen the security vacuum, spread chaos, and eliminate governance structures.

Ibrahim noted that Hamas’ grip on policing has weakened, and its ability to organize and redeploy has collapsed. “In densely populated areas—no more than 20% of the Strip—Hamas’ presence is almost nonexistent.”

Atallah agreed but said Hamas’ collapse as a centralized security force doesn’t necessarily mean its disappearance or dissolution. He warned of deeper social consequences. “Most residents no longer know who governs them, who enforces order, or who protects public and private property.”

Enter “Piercing Arrow”

In recent weeks, a new armed group has emerged in parts of central and western Gaza not currently occupied by Israeli forces. Comprised mainly of young, masked men in their 20s, dressed in black and carrying weapons and batons, the group calls itself “Piercing Arrow.”

It claims to operate under the Joint Operations Room of Palestinian Resistance Factions—an umbrella of 12 groups including Hamas’ Qassam Brigades, Islamic Jihad’s al-Quds Brigades, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine’s Abu Ali Mustafa Brigades, and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine’s National Resistance Brigades.

“Piercing Arrow” has issued warnings to thieves, looters, food hoarders, and those selling cash to civilians at usurious interest rates of up to 50%. After the warnings came the punishments.

On Telegram, the group posted dozens of videos showing armed men beating or shooting those they accused of theft, hoarding, or collaborating with Israel. Some were killed. Others had limbs broken or feet amputated by gunfire.

Hamas and its affiliated security and media agencies have issued no statements regarding the group, which decides and implements punishments without judicial oversight. Still, residents desperate for security have welcomed its actions.

Al Manassa spoke to six residents from different areas who all agreed: in the current climate of war, assassination, theft, and murder, there’s no alternative.

Mustafa Ibrahim expressed concern. “We’ve seen executions of alleged thieves—an unlawful form of justice that violates the rule of law. But unfortunately, many residents support these actions because they want someone to protect them.”

“Gaza has entered a transitional phase,” said researcher Islam Atallah. “The previous model has collapsed, and no clear alternative has emerged. The whole spectrum of society now faces a range of possibilities—from a gradual return to order, to a descent into armed chaos and internal conflict.”

Undoubtedly, security will be one of Hamas’ biggest challenges if a ceasefire with Israel is reached. But unless it can reunify control and curb factionalism, the truce risks morphing into internal anarchy—fueled by humanitarian crises, vendettas, and a struggle for dominance among armed groups and families.