Design by Seif El-Din Ahmed/Al Manassa, 2026
A state’s duty to eliminate workplace discrimination is not a policy option; it is a binding legal obligation.

Encoding injustice: Egypt’s structural engineering of labor precarity

Published Tuesday, June 16, 2026 - 17:44

Amid a severe, protracted economic crisis, Egyptian workers’ demands for livable wages and trade union freedoms are urgent. Yet, a critical pillar of labor rights remains neglected: equality in the workplace. Without structural equality, legal and social protections are meaningless.

Instead, the Egyptian state has systematically eroded these protections, using unconstitutional legal and administrative tools to leave workers increasingly precarious and vulnerable.

According to the International Labour Organization (ILO), labor discrimination manifests in unequal access to employment, stifled career advancement, gender wage gaps, and restricted social protections. Even the World Bank’s neoliberal development frameworks acknowledge that eradicating poverty is impossible without systematically reducing domestic inequality. When a state denies equal opportunity and fair treatment, it actively drives families into poverty and dismantles the social safety net.

In Egypt’s labor market, inequality is not merely a byproduct of economic hardship; it is actively engineered by the state. The government has not only ignored demands for fairness, but has institutionalized discriminatory barriers that block citizens from public sector jobs, strip them of social protections, and plunge thousands of household into poverty. Three specific policies expose this systemic failure.

On the plus side

The first flagrant violation is the arbitrary, immediate dismissal of civil servants following a single positive drug test, a practice amounting to “career execution.” Enacted under Law 73 of 2021, this policy violates the constitutional right to work by imposing arbitrary, punitive conditions on public employment.

A demonstration by public sector workers terminated on the basis of drug-screening results, May 1, 2023.

The law strips workers of due process, denies them the right to challenge inaccurate test results—often triggered by common prescription medications—and fails to provide pathways for medical treatment. By ignoring the principle of proportional punishment, the law treats casual use and medical dependency identically: a worker can be summarily fired for a substance consumed days prior.

While some dismiss this issue as secondary, the socioeconomic devastation is vast. This unconstitutional law has stripped thousands of families of their sole income, pushing them into poverty. Treating drug use as a summarily firing offense, rather than a public health issue requiring counseling and rehabilitation, directly violates the right to health and degrades labor rights.

On June 14, the Supreme Constitutional Court’s Commissioners Body is scheduled to review the law’s constitutionality. Members of Parliament have also raised concerns regarding the law’s erratic enforcement and destructive social consequences. The government must act immediately to repeal this punitive legislation, halt these arbitrary dismissals, and provide redress for its victims.

Codifying the gender gap

The second systemic barrier is engineered by the Ministry of Labor. A recent ministry decree bans women from traveling abroad to work in specific service and care sectors—including hospitality, domestic care, nursing, and personal assistance. This directive is a flagrant act of state-sponsored gender discrimination. It directly violates women's constitutional rights to work and freedom of movement. The policy is rooted in paternalistic, patriarchal assumptions that denigrate female workers.

This ban is symptomatic of deep-seated, systemic gender inequality in Egypt’s labor market. While women already shoulder the vast majority of unpaid care work, the state continues to erect barriers to their formal employment.

The consequences are stark: female labor force participation in Egypt is plummeting. Instead of advancing toward the ILO standard of equal opportunity, equal pay, and safe working conditions, Egypt’s female labor participation rate dropped from an already low 23.7% in 2014 to a dismal 17.9% in 2023. The government’s restrictive policies are actively pushing women out of the economy.

Arbitrary “fitness” hurdles

The third barrier is the imposition of arbitrary physical “fitness” and appearance-based screenings as prerequisites for public sector employment. These tests, which are entirely unrelated to the actual duties of the positions, represent a discriminatory shift in civil service hiring.

By establishing physical conformity as a barrier to employment, the state has institutionalized aesthetic discrimination, bypassing objective competency standards and undermining the integrity of public institutions.

Access to public office must be governed by merit and equality, not arbitrary physical profiling. When the state denies employment based on physical appearance, it violates the fundamental principle of non-discrimination.

This is particularly egregious under Egypt’s current labor legal framework, which has systematically stripped workers of their collective bargaining rights and left them highly vulnerable to exploitation. Current state regulatory mechanisms are so weak that they fail to enforce even the inadequate national minimum wage, which already falls short of basic living costs.

The state’s binding obligations

A state’s duty to eliminate workplace discrimination is not a policy option; it is a binding legal obligation. By ratifying the ILO Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention (No. 111), Egypt committed to eliminating all forms of discrimination based on race, color, sex, or religion that impair equal opportunity.

The Egyptian government must honor its international and constitutional pledges. It must immediately dismantle these discriminatory policies, adopt a comprehensive national strategy for labor equality, and ensure that every worker is protected from arbitrary, state-sanctioned exclusion.

Published opinions reflect the views of its authors, not necessarily those of Al Manassa.