On press freedom day, journalists vote for freedom

Before the first light of dawn on Saturday, May 3—World Press Freedom Day—the last of the 6,051 journalists filed out of the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate building, having cast their votes in the union elections. Behind, they left a gift of hope to their colleagues, especially those still awaiting syndicate membership: a new council with a mandate to defend press freedom, elected on the very day dedicated to that cause.

Outside the iconic building on Abdel Khaleq Tharwat Street, in the heart of downtown Cairo, and inside its halls and courtyards, piles of flyers and campaign posters littered the floor—remnants of the day before, when the building was crowded not with paper, but with people.

The general assembly convened at 2 p.m. once quorum was met, and voting concluded by 8 p.m. The final results for both the syndicate head and council members were announced following a night of ballot counting that stretched into early Saturday morning.

An extended mandate for independence

The electorate extended its faith in the Independence Current—a professional bloc advocating press freedom, editorial autonomy, and resistance to state influence— granting it the opportunity to continue the work it began two years prior.

Khaled Elbalshy was re-elected as syndicate president, and for the council voters also elected Mohamed Saad Abdel Hafeez, a staunch advocate of press freedoms, alongside with feminist leftist Eman Ouf.

Joining them on the council for the next two years are continuing members Gamal Abdel Rahim, Hesham Younis, Mahmoud Kamel, and Mohamed El-Garhy—all aligned with the Independence Current—forming a bloc of seven including the president. Opposing them are Mohamed Shabana, Hussein El-Zanaty, Ayman Abdel Megid, and Mohamed El-Sayed El-Shazly, who also won seats, along with Mohamed Yehia and Abdel Raouf Khalifa.

Why Elbalshy again?

It was around 9:30 p.m. when Elbalshy entered the Heikal Hall on the fourth floor, where the ballot count was underway. He sat beside the stage, visibly elated, preparing for the announcement. The preliminary results had already calmed his nerves after hours of tension.

Absent from the result announcement was his chief rival, Abdel Mohsen Salama, widely seen as the state-backed candidate. This marked the second consecutive election in which candidates failed to attend the results declaration—a tradition that once symbolized democratic decorum. Whether this double absence was coincidence or pattern is open to interpretation. I, for one, don’t believe it was chance.

The syndicate has just over 10,000 registered voters, around 6,000 of them voted—a record turnout and a number that makes a majority easy to spot. When Elbalshy's supporters heard he had won 3,346 votes, the hall erupted with cheers and ululations. Salama’s supporters, by contrast, stood stunned in silence.

Elbalshy secured the presidency with approximately 55% of the vote, leading Salama by 784 ballots, capping off what may be the longest campaign season in the syndicate’s history. The campaign period lasted nearly two and a half months—about a month longer than average—due to Ramadan and the back-to-back observances of Eid al-Fitr and Easter.

A battle of carrots and sticks

The delays allowed time for polarization between the rival campaigns to intensify. It also gave Salama, a veteran of the state-owned Al-Ahram, an opportunity to rally ground support, particularly within public media institutions. He canvassed energetically, offering enticing incentives: land in western Minya, subsidized apartments, and a so-called "unprecedented" increase in financial allowances.

In Egypt, “financial allowances” typically refer to the monthly stipend—known as "al-badal"—that the state provides to registered journalists through the syndicate. Currently set at 3,900 Egyptian pounds per month (about $76), the allowance is periodically adjusted, and during syndicate elections, it often becomes a political bargaining chip.

Meanwhile, members of Salama's campaign brandished the metaphorical stick—warning voters that electing Elbalshy would displease the state and threaten their monthly stipends, which most journalists depend on, especially given low or nonexistent base salaries.

Initially, Elbalshy had been the clear front-runner. But in the final weeks, Salama gained traction, causing anxiety within Elbalshy's camp. The race veered into a darker zone marked by smear campaigns, character assassination, and the spread of disinformation—mostly from Salama’s side.

Inside the historic headquarters of Al-Ahram, chief editors rallied behind Salama, amplifying the message that the presidency should return to their institution. Al-Ahram had historically exerted strong influence over syndicate leadership, including during Salama’s own tenure as syndicate president in 2017—a legacy many in the institution hoped to revive with his return.

Editors from other state-owned outlets also joined in. Some, according to insiders at Akhbar Al-Youm and the Middle East News Agency, even directed their newsroom staff to vote for Salama.

These directives may have prompted the election committee to ban photographing own ballots while casting votes—a measure meant to protect voters from workplace retaliation and preserve the sanctity of the secret voting.

Elbalshy, meanwhile, focused his campaign on journalists’ rights: better pay, higher stipends, fewer restrictions on press freedom, and expanded syndicate services such as healthcare.

Salama’s flashy promises weakened Elbalshy's support in some quarters. But the incumbent held firm, thanks in part to his accomplishments over the past two years—and also to resistance from within Al-Ahram itself. While waiting in long queues to vote, I spoke with Al-Ahram staffers who opposed Salama, citing disillusionment from years working under him.

The state press was not monolithic after all.

In the final hour before polls closed—extended by one hour to 8 p.m.—it became clear that Salama was losing ground.

Not a lame duck

Once Elbalshy’s win was confirmed, his supporters celebrated. But many journalists remained inside the building, glued to TV screens broadcasting the count for the remaining council seats—also streamed live on social media.

Independence supporters held their breath, fearing a split council that might render their president ineffective. Others hoped for a more balanced outcome.

The count stretched late into the night. Mohamed Shabana and Hussein El-Zanaty emerged as top vote-getters in the "above 15 years of membership" category, with Ayman Abdel Megid and Mohamed El-Sayed El-Shazly leading among younger candidates. The final seats remained in suspense, with Mohamed Saad Abdel Hafeez and Eman Ouf competing against Mohamed Kharraga and Hammad El-Romahi.

Ultimately, Abdel Hafeez retained his seat by a margin of 151 votes over Kharraga, while Ouf edged out El-Romahi by just 31 votes—enough to secure an Independence Current majority.

Their win was met with thunderous chants of “We did it! We did it!” Ouf’s supporters roared through the building. Abdel Hafeez, hoisted onto shoulders, shouted: “Freedom of the press! Freedom of the press!” then joked, “Put me down! Put me down.”

The return of “the beast”

“The beast is back! The beast is back!” chanted Shabana’s supporters, carrying him on their shoulders after his early victory in the count.

This win marked his return to the council after being ousted in the last election, partly due to backlash over locking journalists out of their syndicate’s building while he was secretary-general. That period was also marred by a costly facade renovation that left the headquarters shrouded in scaffolding and burlap for years, with journalists having to duck under a tiny entrance to get in.

After his last defeat, Shabana remained chair of the Sports Critics Association, served (by appointment) in the Senate, joined the pro-state Homeland Defenders Party, hosted sports TV shows, and became Al-Ahram's deputy board chairman in a newly created position just for him.

In a strategic move, he inaugurated the syndicate’s riverside club shortly before the election—alongside the youth minister—helping restore his image among journalists, especially in the sports sector. He appeared confident, arriving late and mingling in a street tent surrounded by loyalists.

At the general assembly meeting, he tried to derail the vote on the budget, standing before the stage and motioning to his circle to reject it. Despite the theatrics, the budget passed after a few scuffles. Shabana didn’t speak; candidates were barred from addressing the assembly to avoid turning it into a campaign event.

Still, he garnered the highest vote count of any council candidate, drawing support from both Independence loyalists and their opponents. Several voters told me they chose Elbalshy for president and Shabana for council, hoping to strike a balance.

But is Shabana truly the beast? His supporters may exaggerate his clout, especially with the current council composition. I doubt he’ll have the sway to reclaim the secretary-general post from Gamal Abdel Rahim. He may be a thorn in the side—but not a saboteur, unless given a post in the executive bureau.

What lies ahead

In addition to Shabana, other state-affiliated candidates won seats: Ayman Abdel Megid, editor-in-chief of Rose al-Youssef, who recently opposed creating anti-harassment guidelines which was met by rage from female journalists; and Hussein El-Zanaty, editor of Alaa El-Din magazine, known for his affable, non-confrontational demeanor that appeals across factions.

Together, they form a minority on a council now led again by Elbalshy.

The next two years will test Elbalshy’s ability to deliver. Opening the syndicate to all, rebuilding trust with government institutions, and defending journalistic freedoms are no longer theoretical ideals—they have been delivered. He now bears the responsibility to deliver more direct services to the GA and to lay the ground for a successor from the Independence bloc.

Perhaps the most urgent challenge is the ongoing blocking of independent news websites. Then there are the imprisoned journalists over their reporting and opinions, and the stifling legal framework governing field coverage.

But the economic file may prove even harder. Journalist wages remain abysmal—often nonexistent. During Elbalshy’s previous term, the syndicate conducted a survey that laid bare the profession’s economic desperation. Having diagnosed the disease, he now faces the far more difficult task of curing it.

And that might be a task so difficult, nearly impossible.