Saudi Arabia turns to Egypt as Red Sea security and oil routes face twin threats
Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman visited Cairo on Tuesday for a working trip announced only hours before his arrival, as Saudi Arabia faces escalating Ansar Allah (Houthi) attacks in Yemen, growing threats to its oil export routes, and disruptions around the Strait of Hormuz.
Egyptian President El-Sisi received bin Salman later Tuesday, according to the Egyptian presidency. The timing of the visit puts Yemen, the Red Sea and maritime security at the center of the Cairo-Riyadh discussions, as Saudi Arabia faces pressure from Ansar Allah while the United States has shown reluctance to intervene directly.
The Egyptian presidency said the meeting included one-on-one talks between the two leaders, followed by an expanded meeting of the two countries’ delegations and a lunch hosted by El-Sisi for his Saudi guest and his accompanying delegation.
According to the presidency, the talks covered regional developments and current challenges. El-Sisi reiterated Egypt’s “firm position in supporting the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and all Arab countries in facing current regional circumstances,” stressing the need to intensify coordination and communication between the two countries.
The two sides also affirmed their commitment to ensuring freedom and security of maritime navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, the Bab Al-Mandeb Strait, and the Red Sea. El-Sisi stressed Egypt’s support for measures taken by Saudi Arabia to protect its security and stability and to reach a comprehensive, lasting political solution to the Yemen crisis.
The surprise announcement of the visit comes as Saudi Arabia faces repeated Ansar Allah attacks on military targets and vital facilities inside the kingdom, while the East-West oil pipeline has been disrupted and risks to oil exports and Red Sea navigation have increased.
Saudi Arabia’s pressure points
Riyadh is facing pressure on two interconnected fronts: security and energy. Ansar Allah has stepped up attacks on Saudi Arabia as the group advances along Yemen’s western coast and approaches Bab Al-Mandeb, threatening ships and oil tankers. Saudi authorities have declared a state of alert in several cities, including Yanbu, a major oil-loading port on the Red Sea.
Former Egyptian assistant foreign minister Ambassador Rakha Ahmed Hassan told Al Manassa that bin Salman’s visit comes at “a very sensitive time,” amid simultaneous escalation on several fronts, including the US-Iran war and Yemen.
Rakha said Ansar Allah control of large stretches of Yemen’s western coast has raised concerns that the escalation could spread to shipping through Bab Al-Mandeb, alongside the attacks on Saudi Arabia. He said Yemen and Red Sea security are therefore likely to be among the main issues discussed in Cairo.
Oil: An alternative route under fire
The energy dimension adds to the pressure. Last week, the Saudi East-West oil pipeline came under attack, forcing it to shut down. The pipeline carries oil from production areas in eastern Saudi Arabia to Yanbu on the Red Sea, giving Riyadh an export route that bypasses the Strait of Hormuz, which is controlled by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and through which Saudi ships are unable to pass.
The pipeline, about 1,200 kilometers long, had been carrying between 2.6 million and 4 million barrels per day, equivalent to as much as 4% of global oil supplies. Its shutdown limits Saudi Arabia’s ability to use an alternative route to Hormuz.
The attack and pipeline shutdown pushed oil prices higher, with Brent crude topping $109 a barrel, amid predictions that a prolonged shutdown and disruption to shipping through Hormuz could drive prices considerably higher.
The equation highlights the pressure facing Riyadh: Hormuz is disrupted to the east, Bab Al-Mandeb is threatened to the southwest, and the alternative Saudi land-based route has also come under attack.
In a similar assessment, the Financial Times said Ansar Allah advances along the Yemeni coast and attacks on Saudi oil infrastructure threaten bin Salman’s economic ambitions and add a new front to the US-Iran war, at a time when the Trump administration is hesitant to become directly involved militarily.
Washington: Support without war
The developments came after bin Salman sought direct US military assistance against Ansar Allah. CNN, citing an unnamed source, reported that the Saudi crown prince spoke with US President Donald Trump twice on Thursday and urged him to launch strikes against the Houthis, but Trump declined to intervene.
Reuters reported the same, saying Washington had not agreed to direct military intervention. Trump said Saturday that Ansar Allah had contacted him and “they would much prefer not having us involved,” while Washington limited its assistance to intelligence support and help identifying targets.
On Monday, bin Salman met the commander of US Central Command, Adm. Brad Cooper, to discuss regional developments and the escalation in Ansar Allah attacks. No details of the discussions were released.
The US position leaves Riyadh facing a difficult calculation. Continued escalation could increase the cost of protecting Saudi cities, energy infrastructure, and shipping, while Washington does not appear ready to open a new military front.
At the same time, Ansar Allah has opened a channel of communication with the Trump administration while continuing its attacks on Saudi Arabia. This creates the possibility of a negotiating track between Washington and the Yemeni group alongside military pressure.
In an analysis by the Financial Times, Ansar Allah’s ability to continue fighting despite military pressure was compared with the Taliban’s ability to withstand US military superiority in Afghanistan and the subsequent US withdrawal. The newspaper said Trump now faces a difficult choice between expanding military intervention and seeking a negotiated settlement.
For Saudi Arabia, however, any US-Ansar Allah negotiations would not necessarily guarantee an end to attacks on the kingdom, particularly because the group has previously distinguished between the maritime traffic it targets and Saudi interests.
Why Egypt matters
With direct US military intervention uncertain, Cairo’s role becomes more relevant because Egypt has interests in the Red Sea and an established channel of communication with Tehran.
Strategic expert and academic adviser at the Egyptian Center for Strategic Studies Dr. Mohamed Megahed El-Zayat said he does not expect the visit to focus on direct Egyptian mediation with Ansar Allah.
He added that the timing of the visit calls for direct coordination between Egypt and Saudi Arabia as two pillars of Arab national security, amid developments around Hormuz and Bab Al-Mandeb and Ansar Allah attacks on Saudi territory and facilities.
Rakha likewise said the Cairo-Riyadh discussions should not be described as an effort to arrange direct Egyptian mediation with Ansar Allah, but rather as a search for possible ways to contain the escalation in coordination with other regional parties.
He added that Egypt, Oman, and other Gulf countries could play a role in efforts to contain the situation. He also expected discussions about the impact of any potential US-Iran agreement on Yemen, amid Saudi accusations that Iran supports Ansar Allah and Tehran’s denial.
Iran in Egypt’s calculations
Cairo’s relationship with Tehran could therefore become relevant to the Saudi crisis.
Three days ago, on the sidelines of the BRICS summit in New Delhi, El-Sisi met Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian and urged him to make every possible effort to halt the escalation and reach a comprehensive and lasting political solution. He also stressed the need to stop any attacks on Arab countries.
Rakha said the meeting would have factored into Egyptian-Saudi consultations, particularly because part of the discussion concerns the connection between developments in Yemen and the US-Iran war.
El-Zayat told Al Manassa that Cairo is already conducting contacts at multiple levels and that describing this as mediation with Ansar Allah would not be accurate. Any potential Egyptian role, he said, could instead involve communication with Iran, which in his view is capable of influencing the Yemeni group.
This distinction matters for Saudi Arabia. An agreement between Washington and Ansar Allah over the group’s attacks on maritime traffic would not necessarily mean an end to attacks on Saudi interests. The Houthis have previously distinguished between the shipping they target and Saudi interests, leaving the kingdom with a separate security concern.
Hormuz and Bab Al-Mandeb: One crisis
What is happening in Yemen matters to Cairo for reasons that extend beyond Saudi security.
Egypt has a direct interest in any prolonged disruption around Bab Al-Mandeb, the southern gateway to the Red Sea and the route leading to the Suez Canal.
Recent developments suggest the crisis has gone beyond isolated attacks. Ansar Allah has advanced along Yemen’s western coast and seized strategic positions near Bab Al-Mandeb, while other attacks have disrupted a Saudi oil route that had served as an important alternative amid instability around Hormuz.
The Guardian reported that Ansar Allah control of the Greater and Lesser Hanish islands, following its advance to Mokha port and Mayyun Island, strengthens the group’s ability to influence one of the world’s most important shipping routes.
Egyptian and Saudi interests therefore intersect over maritime navigation, even though the degree of exposure differs. Saudi Arabia faces a direct threat to its facilities, cities, and exports, while Egypt fears that prolonged disruption in the Red Sea could affect ships passing through the Suez Canal.
Beyond Yemen
The talks between El-Sisi and bin Salman were not expected to stop at Yemen and energy. The two countries share other regional files, most notably Sudan, Gaza, Lebanon, and the Horn of Africa, as well as bilateral relations.
El-Zayat said developments in Sudan are an important issue in Egyptian-Saudi discussions, particularly as both countries participate in international and regional efforts aimed at ending the war and reaching a political settlement.
Gaza will also remain part of any Egyptian-Saudi consultations, amid the continuing war and stalled efforts to establish lasting political and security arrangements for the territory.
But the immediate significance of the visit lies in the convergence of these regional crises. Developments in Yemen, energy, and shipping are unfolding as regional crises increasingly overlap, from the US-Iran war and disruption around Hormuz to renewed Saudi-Ansar Allah escalation and threats to Bab Al-Mandeb.
El-Zayat therefore sees the visit as an opportunity to reinvigorate political coordination between Cairo and Riyadh, including through the institutional frameworks already in place between the two countries, rather than simply responding to a passing crisis.
Rakha, meanwhile, sees regional issues, led by Yemen and Hormuz, at the top of the consultations, followed by Sudan, Gaza and other matters, while bilateral relations remain a central part of the agenda.
While there are no publicly announced indications that Mohammed bin Salman came to Cairo seeking direct mediation with Ansar Allah, the visit puts a broader question before the two countries: how can an escalation be contained that is pressuring Saudi Arabia from the south, threatening its oil export routes from the west and coinciding with disruption around Hormuz, at a time when Washington does not appear ready to open a new military front?