Parliament Diaries| 2025 House elections, reconfiguring power

“Nothing is permanent except the face of God.” This remark was shared with sorrowful laughter by a political insider in response to a question about the likely candidates on party lists for the 2025 House of Representatives elections.

The remark encapsulates the political uncertainty currently defining Egypt’s legislative landscape, where longstanding figures from the ruling coalition, many of whom have held seats for a decade, are being sidelined as the system undergoes a significant internal transformation ahead of the 2026 parliamentary session.

Though the House and Senate elections are scheduled less than three months apart, their political engineering differs considerably. In the Senate elections, the closed-list system granted the opposition more visibility than in previous cycles. However, individual seats in large districts were tailored for the major parties, led by Nation’s Future, followed by Homeland Defenders, the National Front, and the Republican People’s Party.

In contrast, sources told Al Manassa that the House elections are designed to be more accommodating, potentially offering the opposition more room to maneuver.

This shift includes promises to allow independents and opposition figures to compete for individual seats. MP Maha Abdel Nasser, deputy chair of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, affirmed this development in an interview on Al Manassa’s “Tough Questions”. Mohamed Anwar El-Sadat, president of the Reform and Development Party, echoed this sentiment in a separate episode of the same program.

Behind the scenes, there is also talk of unannounced understandings in some districts with two or three seats. The arrangement would make way for a pro-government candidate while allowing a genuine opportunity for an opposition competitor, in an attempt to create a veneer of balance and political competition.

Exclusions and strategic withdrawals

As part of this recalibration, Nation’s Future has removed a substantial portion of its veteran members from the candidate lists. Many of these figures have held influential roles within the legislature, particularly as chairs of committees responsible for vetting legislation, international agreements, government borrowing, and executive oversight.

One of the most notable absences is Alaa Abed, the Nation’s Future’s deputy leader. Abed previously chaired the Human Rights Committee during the first parliamentary term (2014–2019) and later led the Transportation and Communications Committee. His inclusion on the candidate list was a matter of speculation, as a month ago his name was reportedly added to the main list for pro-government parties, only for it to be removed hours later. After being included again, Abed publicly announced his decision not to run, citing a desire to make way for new political talent.

Following this announcement, rumors circulated that a senior figure who had been excluded from running attempted to leave the country. Abed later appeared in a video interview with Youm7 to deny these claims and affirm that he remained in Egypt.

Several exclusion decisions appear to lack transparent justification. Among them is Ahmed El-Sigini, chair of the Local Administration Committee, known for his hands-on legislative work and engagement with provincial governors. Notably, El-Sigini also led deliberations on the proposed Local Administration Law, which was ultimately rejected by the House, leaving Egypt without constitutionally mandated elected local councils.

Other excluded figures include Sami Hashem (Education Committee), who routinely barred press access to committee meetings; Tarek Radwan (Human Rights Committee); Mahmoud Hussein (Youth and Sports Committee); Mohamed Kamal Marei (Small and Medium Enterprises Committee); and Mohamed Elsallab (Industry Committee).

A number of mid-level parliamentarians with ten years as MPs were also left off the party’s list. These include Mohamed El-Hosseiny, deputy chair of the Local Administration Committee and MP for Boulaq El-Dakrour, and Yasser Omar, deputy chair of the Budget and Planning Committee representing Abnoub, Assiut.

This internal shake-up extends beyond Nation’s Future. Other pro-government parties, as well as the Coordination’s Committee of Party’s Youth Leaders and Politicians, have also removed high-profile members from their rosters. Notably, MP Mahmoud Badr was excluded from the coordination committee’s list. He later announced that he would not run as an independent, citing the overwhelming influence of “political money” in electoral contests.

The rationale behind these exclusions remains ambiguous. No party has provided a detailed explanation. Are these changes driven by corruption concerns? Are they part of a larger renewal plan aimed at limiting MPs to two terms? What criteria are guiding candidate selection?

Revolving door for the elite

Former cabinet ministers have long been a fixture in Egyptian legislatures. However, the upcoming session is witnessing a pronounced surge in the number of ex-ministers nominated for seats. The National Front has included several former high-ranking officials on its list, such as Alaa Fouad (former Minister of Parliamentary Affairs), Assem El Gazzar (former Housing Minister and current party leader), Elsayed Elkosayer (former Agriculture Minister and party secretary-general), and Mahmoud Shaarawy (former Minister of Local Development).

Mohamed Saafan, the former Minister for Labor, is joining Nation’s Future under the National List for Egypt umbrella.

While these individuals bring institutional expertise, their inclusion underscores a recurring pattern in Egyptian politics: the recycling of executive elites into legislative roles. This practice limits opportunities for fresh perspectives from grassroots movements, emerging parties, and independent actors.

Moreover, the reappointment of former executive officials to legislative posts may compromise the House’s ability to function as an independent oversight body. Long-standing personal and professional ties with the executive branch could deter these MPs from advancing robust critiques or alternative policy frameworks.

Opposition stars

Amid the ongoing changes to parliament’s makeup and the expectation of greater room for the opposition, some of its key figures are contesting races in individual constituencies.

MP Abdel-Moneim Imam, leader of the Justice Party and a 2020 winner through the National List for Egypt, is running in New Cairo (covering Fifth Settlement, Shorouk, and Badr) for one of two seats. He faces a Nation’s Future opponent, while a candidate from Homeland Defenders has reportedly withdrawn.

Other incumbent opposition MPs seeking reelection through individual races include Diaa El-Din Dawood, Ahmed El-Sharkawy, and Ahmed Belal. There is speculation that informal guarantees are in place to facilitate their return to the legislature. However, El-Sharkawy denied these rumors in a statement to Al Manassa, emphasizing that he is not coordinating with any political party or government agency.

Talaat Khalil, a former MP and general coordinator of the Civil Democratic Movement, is running in Suez under the Conservative Party banner. Ehab El-Khouly is also contesting a seat in Imbaba for the same party.

These candidacies suggest that the 2025 elections are not solely about inter-party competition. Instead, they are part of a larger recalibration of Egypt’s political system, which appears to be managing pluralism within constrained and controlled parameters.

Whether these developments will lead to substantive political diversity remains to be seen. Nonetheless, they signal an underlying acknowledgment that complete exclusion of opposition forces is no longer tenable, and that a cosmetic overhaul has become a political necessity. As the source said, “Nothing is permanent except the face of God.”